Hariri Center Director Michele Dunne and Senior Fellow Amy Hawthorne reflect on US policy toward the Middle East and North Africa in the two years since President Barack Obama promised to make it a top priority to support democracy and human rights in the region.
J. Peter Pham, director the Atlantic Council’s Michael S. Ansari Africa Center, was one of four experts invited to address a high-level international conference on the crisis in the Sahel region convened today in The Hague.
Rudolph Atallah, senior fellow in the Atlantic Council’s Michael S. Ansari Africa Center, testified at a House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Affairs hearing on “The Growing Crisis in Africa’s Sahel Region.”
On the heels of Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s visit to the United States, Energy & Environment Program Associate Director Mihaela Carstei joins CTV to discuss the Keystone Pipeline project that would transport tar sands oil from Canada and the northern United States to refineries in the Gulf coast of Texas.
A couple of days ago in Riga I sat down with some very serious, senior Germans to discuss Britain and the EU. They simply could not for the life of them understand why Britain does not get the German ‘vision’ for Europe.
Put simply, for we British the well-intended rush to political union can only end in some form of unintended tyranny.
Only the British seem to understand this. In a recent YouGov poll over 60 percent of Britons wanted either much looser ties with the EU, or to leave the EU completely. This contrasted with 62 percent of Germans who wanted deeper integration, apparently to ensure greater order, and 63 percent of Italians who wanted a United States of Europe, ostensibly to ensure greater order and more money.
I tried hard to explain British concerns but with only limited success. First, the balance between power and democracy is pivotal. We British have a profound problem with the concentration of too much political power in too few properly accountable hands. That is the logical conclusion of the dangerously euphemistic Federation of Nation-States proposed by the European Commission in its efforts to deepen the bureaucratic ‘control’ it already exerts over Europeans. It is playing its old trick of using crisis to claim more power unto itself in the name of efficiency.
Second, fairness is critically important. Germany has too often talked “Europe” but meant “Germany” and does not play by the rules. Germany has repeatedly blocked the Services Directive on a single market in services simply because the British are far too competitive and vested German interests want protecting. Indeed, Germany has twice as many cases as Britain before the European Court of Justice for breach of European law.
Third, cost matters. Britain pays too much and given that Britain has no sense of the ‘Europeanness’ Germans not always convincingly claim to have cost matters profoundly to the British.
Fourth, trust is minimal. After over ten years of British troops doing too much of the dying in Afghanistan compared to caveat-protected fellow Europeans, British faith in the reliability of European allies has been deeply undermined, whatever the numbers of troops deployed. The result is a complete loss of faith in Europeans as reliable defense partners and a re-discovering of a defense Anglosphere.
Finally, I warned my German friends not to take too seriously the ‘do not rock the boat’ assurances of the British Establishment. London is locked into managing a decline that is not shared by the British people who are prepared to pay a heavy price to protect their ancient liberties from a Brussels juggernaut that has shown scant regard over the years for their interests. As political union deepens, Britain’s politicians will be able to resist calls for action only for so long, whatever the advice of their ‘gone native’ advisors.
Given that can Germany and Britain find common ground? Maybe.
The formal re-energizing of a kind of super-European Free Trade Area (EFTA) with power to oversee the single market but from within the EU framework could perhaps offer a way forward. It would of course mean Britain would be a half-price, half-member with half-influence (Britain’s reality today) and would in effect be the mother of all opt-outs. Still, Britain could content itself that its beloved single market is alive and well and use the political space to work to extend the single market across the whole of Europe to include Turkey. Germany could content itself with a leadership job well done and an EU intact.
However, the status quo ante is no longer an option and even as a half-member Britain would retain profound worries about encroaching tyranny. We British have spent centuries trying to find the right balance between the state and the individual. Current plans for deeper EU political integration would once and for all destroy that political balance as democracy can only suffer with the concentration of ever more power in the ever fewer hands of the very people who caused this crisis. Millions of Britons fought to prevent tyranny in Europe and Germany needs to understand that. .
The British will always resist tyranny however sophisticated its case and how well-crafted its false claims to be the heir of democracy.
Julian Lindley-French is Eisenhower Professor of Defence Strategy at the Netherlands Defence Academy, Fellow of Respublica in London, Associate Fellow of the Austrian Institute for European and Security Studies and a member of the Strategic Advisory Group of the Atlantic Council. He is also a member of the Academic Advisory Board of the NATO Defence College in Rome. This essay first appeared on his personal blog, Lindley-French's Blog Blast.
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