NATOSource is proudly sponsored by EADS North America

New Atlanticist
National Interests
- Afghanistan
- Albania
- Armenia
- Australia
- Austria
- Azerbaijan
- Belarus
- Belgium
- Bosnia-Herzegovina
- Brazil
- Britain
- Bulgaria
- Canada
- Chad
- China
- Congo (DRC)
- Croatia
- Cyprus
- Czech Republic
- Denmark
- Egypt
- Estonia
- Finland
- France
- Georgia
- Germany
- Greece
- Hungary
- Iceland
- India
- Indonesia
- Iran
- Iraq
- Ireland
- Israel
- Italy
- Japan
- Jordan
- Kazakhstan
- Kosovo
- Kyrgyzstan
- Latvia
- Lebanon
- Lithuania
- Luxembourg
- Libya
- Macedonia
- Malta
- Montenegro
- Morocco
- Netherlands
- North Korea
- Norway
- Pakistan
- Philippines
- Poland
- Portugal
- Qatar
- Romania
- Russia
- Saudi Arabia
- Serbia
- Slovakia
- Slovenia
- Somalia
- South Africa
- South Korea
- Spain
- Sudan
- Sweden
- Switzerland
- Syria
- Taiwan (ROC)
- Tajikistan
- Tunisia
- Turkey
- U.A.E.
- U.S.
- Ukraine
- Uzbekistan
- Yemen
NATO is 21st century foundation for American power and prosperity
Jorge Benitez | June 15, 2012From R. Nicholas Burns, Damon Wilson, and Jeff Lightfoot, the New Atlanticist: : In the past year, NATO nations have faced two major tests—a debt crisis and rapidly declining military budgets—in nearly every country, including the United States. The cohesion of the Atlantic community is under strain from economic crisis, political paralysis, and the emergence of new global powers in Asia. The Eurozone crisis has plunged Europe into a new era of internal soul-searching and structural reform, distracting it from focusing on the demands of the global agenda. A wave of economic austerity is sweeping across the Alliance, resulting in a race to the bottom to cut defense spending and military capabilities. These cuts threaten to further weaken Europe’s militaries. While NATO succeeded in Libya, the campaign demonstrated worrisome shortcomings in Europe’s defense capabilities and reliance on American military support. Enhanced specialization among the allies—including Smart Defense and pooling and sharing—will be essential to minimize the impact of defense cuts in the midst of the economic crisis. Indeed, the upside of the current predicament may be that it spurs allies to further efficiencies in these areas. When Europe emerges from the depths of the financial crisis and its current period of severe austerity, the allies must show a renewed commitment to investing in defense to remain capable members of NATO. Allies must always remember that robust security is itself a prerequisite for a strong economy. . . .
It would be a historic mistake if a Europe preoccupied with its own economic woes and a United States distracted by internal political dysfunction were to set the Alliance adrift just when it is needed most to defend our interests in Afghanistan and the Middle East. For all its flaws, the transatlantic community is home to the United States’ most loyal, capable, and effective global allies and represents the largest concentration of market-oriented democracies in the world. Too many forget that the United States and Europe account for the largest share of military power, economic heft, and democratic governance on the planet today. Despite legitimate concerns over cuts to Europe’s defense budgets, the transatlantic community alone accounted for over two thirds of the world’s defense spending in 2010. Similarly, the transatlantic economy today accounts for over fifty-four percent of global output. Europe alone provides over fifty percent of global development assistance. Europe is also America’s largest trade partner, its largest investor, and the greatest single global market.
The United States should consider itself fortunate indeed to have such prosperous, capable, and like-minded allies at its side, because it needs friends now more than ever before. If NATO did not exist today, transatlantic leaders would be trying to create it from scratch. The hard truth for Americans is that isolationism and unilateralism are twin recipes for failure in our foreign policy. Particularly at a time when globalization presents new challenges and new countries are rising to global power, the United States needs all the help it can get to maintain its power and effectiveness and to help preserve international stability and peace. In this sense, NATO is our twenty-first century foundation for American power and prosperity. . . .
A ‘dim if not dismal’ future is not preordained. But it is possible if allies do not take dramatic steps to reinforce the NATO Alliance in the decade ahead.
R. Nicholas Burns, former U.S. ambassador to NATO, is professor of the practice of diplomacy and international politics at the Harvard Kennedy School and a board director of the Atlantic Council. Damon Wilson is executive vice president of the Atlantic Council. Jeff Lightfoot is deputy director of the Council's International Security Program. This piece is adapted from the Atlantic Council publication “Anchoring the Alliance.”
NATOSource

The daily news of the world's most powerful alliance.
The views expressed in NATOSource are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.
Follow on Twitter: @NATOSource
"I am an enormous fan of NATOSource. I use it virtually every day, because it provides a wide variety of views, a solid base of factual knowledge, and keeps me in touch with the world of NATO."
Admiral James Stavridis, (Ret,), former SACEUR

(Graphics: Deutsche Welle and Reuters)
Most Popular NATOSource Posts
Key Issues
- Alliance Unity
- Allied Command Operations
- Allied Command Transformation
- Article 5
- Burden Sharing
- Capabilities Gap
- Chicago Summit
- Congress
- CSTO
- Cyber Threats
- Defense Spending
- Energy Security
- EU
- High North
- Intelligence
- ISAF
- Missile Defense
- NATO Defense Ministerials
- NATO Exercises
- NATO Ministerials
- NATO Operations
- NATO Partnerships
- NATO Response Force
- Nuclear Weapons
- OSCE
- Piracy
- R2P
- SACEUR
- SACT
- Secretary General
- Smart Defense
- Special Forces
- Strategic Concept
- Terrorism
- Transatlantic Relations
- United Nations
- Weapon Systems
TransAtlantic Links
Media Links
- Associated Press
- Baltic Times
- Brussels blog
- Deutsche Welle
- Economist
- EU Observer
- European Voice
- Financial Times
- Guardian
- Hurriyet Daily News
- International Herald Tribune
- Kathimerini
- Kyiv Post
- Le Monde Diplomatique
- Moscow Times
- New York Times
- Newsweek
- Prague Daily Monitor
- Radio Free Europe
- Reuters
- Ria Novosti
- Russia Today
- Slovak Spectator
- Spiegel
- St. Petersburg Times
- Sur
- Telegraph
- Times (London)
- Today's Zaman
- Wall Street Journal
- Washington Post
- Xinhua
Research Centers
- American Enterprise Institute (AEI), United States
- Aspen Institute, United States
- Atlantic Council, United States
- Brookings Institution, United States
- Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, United States
- Cato Institute, United States
- Center for a New American Security (CNAS), United States
- Center for International Relations (CIR), Poland
- Center for Security Studies (CSS), Switzerland
- Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), United States
- Center for Transatlantic Relations, United States
- Cicero Foundation, Netherlands
- Council on Foreign Relations, United States
- Danish Institute of International Studies (DIIS), Denmark
- EU Institute for Security Studies, France
- European Council on Foreign Relations, Bulgaria, France, Germany, Spain, UK
- European Institute, United States
- Fondation pour la Recherche Stratégique (FRS), France
- French Institute of International Relations (IFRI), France
- Fundacion para el Análisis y los Estudios Sociale (FAES), Spain
- German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP), Germany
- German Marshall Fund of the United States, United States
- Grupo de Estudios Estratégicos (GEES), Spain
- Heritage Foundation, United States
- Hoover Institution, United States
- Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques (IRIS), France
- Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis (IFPA), United States
- Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP), Germany
- Instituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), Italy
- International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), United Kingdom
- Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, Germany
- Lemnitzer Center, United States
- Marshall Center, Germany
- Netherlands Institute of International Relations (Clingendael), Netherlands
- Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), Norway
- RAND, United States
- Real Instituto Elcano, Spain
- Ridgway Center, United States
- Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House), United Kingdom
- Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), United Kingdom
- Schuman Center (RSCAS), Italy
- Security & Defence Agenda (SDA), Belgium
- Strategy International (SI), Greece
- U.S. Institute of Peace, United States
- Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, United States

