Useful Links
Parliamentary Elections
Legal Framework
- President Mohamed Morsi's Constitutional Decree - December 9, 2012 (Arabic) (English)
- Final Draft of Constitution, published November 29, 2012 (Arabic) (English) (Audio)
- President Mohamed Morsi's Constitutional Decree - November 22, 2012 (Arabic) (English)
- Draft of the Constitution, published October 24, 2012) (Arabic)
- Draft of the Constitution, published October 16, 2012 (Arabic) (English)
- President Mohamed Morsi's Decree Pardoning January 25 Prisoners - October 8 (English) (Arabic)
- President Mohamed Morsi's Constitutional Declaration - August 12 (English) (Arabic)
- President Mohamed Morsi’s Decree reinstating the dissolved parliament – July 8 (English) (Arabic)
- Renaissance (Nahda) Project (English)
- Morsi Meter (English) (Arabic)
- SCAF Amendments to Interim Constitution - June 17, 2012 (English) (Arabic)
- Interim Constitution (full text, English and Arabic), ratified by popular referendum on March 23, 2011)
- Law on the Presidential Election, No. 174, 2005 (Arabic)
- Electoral laws for the People’s Assembly and Shura Council (full text, Arabic, amended July 19, 2011)
- Law on Non-Governmental Organizations, No. 84/2002 (English)
- Law on the People’s Assembly, amended October 2011 (PDF, Arabic)
- Supra-Constitutional Principles (English) (Arabic)
- The Final Draft Wording of the Articles on Defense and National Security in the New Constitution (English) (Arabic)
- Leaked Articles of the Draft Constitution (English)
Egyptian Government Resources
- Official Facebook page of President Mohamed Morsi (Arabic)
- Official Facebook page of Prime Minister Hesham Qandil (Arabic)
- Official Facebook page of Presidential Spokesman Yasser Ali (Arabic)
- Official Facebook page of the Supreme Council of the Armed forces (Arabic)
- Official website of the Cabinet (English) (Arabic)
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- Ministry of Industry & Foreign Trade (English) (Arabic)
Economy
- 2011/2012 Budget
- Economic Research Forum (English)
- Egyptian Center for Economic Studies (English)
Egyptian Media
- Ahram Weekly (English)
- Egypt Independent (English)
- Daily News Egypt (English)
- Ahram Online (English)
- Akhbar al-Youm (Arabic)
- Ahram (Arabic)
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- al-Masry al-Youm (Arabic)
- al-Shorouk (Arabic)
- al-Wafd (Arabic)
- Masrawy (Arabic)
- EGYNews (Arabic)
Think Tanks and NGOs:
- al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies (English)
- Arab Forum for Alternatives (English) (Arabic)
- Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (English) (Arabic)
- Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (English) (Arabic)
Political Parties
- Adl (Justice)
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- Building and Development
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- al-Masriyin al-Ahrar (Free Egyptians)
- Labor
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- Nasserist
- Nour (Light)
- Popular Alliance
- Reform and Development
- Social Democratic
- Sufi Liberation
- Tagammu
- al-Tayar al-Masry (Egyptian Current)
- Wafd
- Wasat
Once Again: The Unconstitutionality of the Election Law
Yussef Auf | February 21, 2013As was expected, Egypt’s Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) ruled many provisions of the proposed Elections Law and Exercise of Political Rights Law, as unconstitutional. This decision reflects the continuing state of disarray that colors the legislative process in Egypt, both in the constitutional drafting process and the passage of laws. The SCC found that amendments to these two laws drafted by the Shura Council (the temporary parliament) were in violation of the constitution in nine points. While the Shura Council continues to move forward with the electoral law, the law is still not in line with the SCC’s rulings.
An official statement from the SCC on Thursday indicated that the changes adopted by the Shura Council do not meet the court’s complete requirements. The legal provisions declared by the SCC to be unconstitutional must still be amended.
According to Article 177 of the new constitution, the SCC’s decisions are enforceable, which means that the unconstitutional provisions must be changed. To assess the importance of the SCC decision, it is necessary to discuss some provisions that were ruled unconstitutional due to their direct impact on the electoral process.
One key SCC ruling is that the distribution of seats in the House of Representatives violates the principle of fair representation according to population. Article 113 of the new constitution calls for the division of electoral districts in an equitable manner based on population. The draft law on the People’s Assembly (now known as the House of Representatives) allocated 498 total seats in the body. Two examples show what a mockery the draft law makes of the principle of equal representation based on population: The draft law allocated 30 seats to the Giza governorate, which has 4.3 million voters and has the second highest number of voters than any governorate. Meanwhile the Dakahlia governorate with just 3.7 million voters received 36 seats. Likewise, the law allocated just 24 seats to Alexandria, the fourth largest governorate with 3.3 million voters, while at the same time giving 30 seats each to Gharbia, Beheira, and Sohag – all governorates with far fewer voters than Alexandria.
In another important move, the SCC also declared Article 7 of the Political Rights Law draft unconstitutional. This provision tasked Egyptian diplomatic missions and embassy staffs with supervising elections and public referendums held abroad. By way of background, it was agreed upon that public elections would be carried out under direct judicial supervision during all stages of the electoral process, and this principle was enshrined in Article 210 of the new constitution. For this reason the SCC ruled the text of the Exercise of Political Rights law unconstitutional, as it provides for the supervision by diplomatic delegations of elections and public referendums for Egyptians living abroad. This means that the Shura Council must find a way to solve the dilemma of how elections are to be held outside Egypt.
This crisis has two theoretical solutions, but both are impossible. The first is that the judiciary could supervise elections outside of Egypt, which would require judges to travel to over 160 countries in which Egyptians reside, with 585,000 eligible registered voters; it’s clear that this “solution” would be impossible to apply. The second solution, however, is even more impossible, which is to amend the new constitution itself to permit non-judicial supervision over elections outside of Egypt. Once again, this is theoretically impossible because amending the constitution requires the House of Representatives and Shura Council to be seated concurrently. Thus the new constitution cannot be amended, according to its own provisions, without the presence of both houses of parliament. Of course, the House of Representatives is not seated so the constitution cannot be amended. Given all this, there is no solution on the horizon to this great dilemma that has resulted from the legislative muddle Egypt has been living through for the past two years.
Yussef Auf is an Egyptian judge and 2012 Humphrey Fellow at American University’s Washington College of Law. He is currently pursuing a PhD in Constitutional Law and Political Systems at Cairo University.
Photo: Reuters
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About EgyptSource
EgyptSource, a project of the Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East, follows Egypt’s transition and provides a platform for Egyptian perspectives on the major issues – economic, political, legal, religious and human rights – that are at stake in the post-Mubarak era.
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Faces of Egypt
Journalist and videographer Abanoub Emad explains the drive behind his work: “I want to cover the truth..If it was just a job for me I wouldn't risk my life, but this is what I want to do…and this is what differentiates the quality of work. You can tell who's doing it for the sake of doing it, and who's doing it because it's what they love to do”

At twenty-two, Amr El Salanekly has won the 2012 Clinton Global Initiative fellowship, co-founded a social incubator and an educational platform for underprivileged kids, turned down a job with Bangladeshi Nobel Laureate Mohammad Yunus’ Grameen Bank, and raised hundreds of thousands of Egyptian pounds for community projects in Egypt.
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About the Contributors

Alaa Al Aswany, the Arab world's bestselling novelist, is the author of The Yacoubian Building, Chicago, and Friendly Fire. His work is published in thirty-one languages worldwide. Read his EgyptSource posts here.

Yussef Auf is an Egyptian judge and 2012 Humphrey Fellow at American University’s Washington College of Law. He is currently pursuing a PhD in Constitutional Law and Political Systems at Cairo University. Read his EgyptSource posts here.

Nadine Abdalla is a PhD Fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP) in Berlin and a writer for Egyptian newspaper, Al-Masry Al-Youm. Read her EgyptSource posts here.

Amr Hamzawy joined the Department of Public Policy and Administration at the American University in Cairo in 2011, where he continues to serve today. He is a former member of parliament and a member of the National Salvation Front. Read his EgyptSource posts here.

Jayson Casper is a writer with Arab West Report, Christianity Today, and Lapido Media. He blogs on Egyptian politics, religion, and culture at A Sense of Belonging. Read his EgyptSource posts here.

Wael Eskandar is a blogger and a writer for Egypt's Ahram Online. He has written for publications like Daily News Egypt and Community Times. Read his EgyptSource posts here.

Soraya Morayef is a journalist and writer based in Cairo. She blogs under suzeeinthecity.wordpress.com. Read her EgyptSource posts here.

Sultan Sooud Al Qassemi is a UAE based political commentator. He tweets as @SultanAlQassemi. Read his EgyptSource posts here.

Magdy Samaan is a freelance journalist and a 2011 MENA Democracy Fellow at the World Affairs Institute. Read his EgyptSource posts here.

Haitham Tabei is a special correspondent for the Washington Post and Asharq Saudi newspaper in Cairo.
Read his EgyptSource posts here.
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