- President Mohamed Morsi's Constitutional Decree - December 9, 2012 (Arabic) (English)
- Final Draft of Constitution, published November 29, 2012 (Arabic) (English) (Audio)
- President Mohamed Morsi's Constitutional Decree - November 22, 2012 (Arabic) (English)
- Draft of the Constitution, published October 24, 2012) (Arabic)
- Draft of the Constitution, published October 16, 2012 (Arabic) (English)
- President Mohamed Morsi's Decree Pardoning January 25 Prisoners - October 8 (English) (Arabic)
- President Mohamed Morsi's Constitutional Declaration - August 12 (English) (Arabic)
- President Mohamed Morsi’s Decree reinstating the dissolved parliament – July 8 (English) (Arabic)
- Renaissance (Nahda) Project (English)
- Morsi Meter (English) (Arabic)
- SCAF Amendments to Interim Constitution - June 17, 2012 (English) (Arabic)
- Interim Constitution (full text, English and Arabic), ratified by popular referendum on March 23, 2011)
- Law on the Presidential Election, No. 174, 2005 (Arabic)
- Electoral laws for the People’s Assembly and Shura Council (full text, Arabic, amended July 19, 2011)
- Law on Non-Governmental Organizations, No. 84/2002 (English)
- Law on the People’s Assembly, amended October 2011 (PDF, Arabic)
- Supra-Constitutional Principles (English) (Arabic)
- The Final Draft Wording of the Articles on Defense and National Security in the New Constitution (English) (Arabic)
- Leaked Articles of the Draft Constitution (English)
Egyptian Government Resources
- Official Facebook page of President Mohamed Morsi (Arabic)
- Official Facebook page of Prime Minister Hesham Qandil (Arabic)
- Official Facebook page of Presidential Spokesman Yasser Ali (Arabic)
- Official Facebook page of the Supreme Council of the Armed forces (Arabic)
- Official website of the Cabinet (English) (Arabic)
- Ministry of Interior (English) (Arabic)
- Ministry of Foreign Affairs (English) (Arabic)
- Ministry of Finance (English) (Arabic)
- Ministry of International Cooperation (Arabic)
- Ministry of Social Solidarity (Arabic)
- Ministry of Information (Arabic)
- Ministry of Industry & Foreign Trade (English) (Arabic)
- Ahram Weekly (English)
- Egypt Independent (English)
- Daily News Egypt (English)
- Ahram Online (English)
- Akhbar al-Youm (Arabic)
- Ahram (Arabic)
- Ahram Gateway (Arabic)
- al-Masry al-Youm (Arabic)
- al-Shorouk (Arabic)
- al-Wafd (Arabic)
- Masrawy (Arabic)
- EGYNews (Arabic)
Think Tanks and NGOs:
- al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies (English)
- Arab Forum for Alternatives (English) (Arabic)
- Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (English) (Arabic)
- Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (English) (Arabic)
- Adl (Justice)
- al-Asala (Authenticity)
- Building and Development
- Democratic Front
- al-Dostour (Constitution)
- Freedom and Justice
- Ghad (Tomorrow)
- Ittihad (Union)
- Karama (Dignity)
- al-Masriyin al-Ahrar (Free Egyptians)
- Masr al-Hurriya (Egypt Freedom)
- Nour (Light)
- Popular Alliance
- Reform and Development
- Social Democratic
- Sufi Liberation
- al-Tayar al-Masry (Egyptian Current)
As with most things in Egypt, just when it looks like something is over, it isn't. Last week, Egypt's Court of Cassation ruled that ousted President Hosni Mubarak, his Interior Minister Habib al-Adly, and six of their aides would be retried.
The initial sentence, handed down last June, sentenced the defendants to 25-year life sentences for "failing to stop the killing of protesters."
While the new trial is not likely to produce harsher sentences, it has the potential to be a principled stance by the judicial system to uphold accountability for the scores of victims during last year's revolution.
Mubarak and the other defendants will also be retried on corruption charges, of which they were previously acquitted.
Rather than bearing tangible and immediate effects, a less politicized verdict would bring about important precedents for accountability and signify a committed initiative by the judiciary to assert independence and an unbiased stance, which it has been accused of lacking throughout Egypt's democratic transition.
The judiciary's first ruling accused the defendants of failure to act against actions committed by "unknown elements," an important distinction from holding them responsible for the bloodshed that took place during the 18 days. The bench completely disregarded valuable information incriminating regime figures of having active roles in the decision making that led to violent crackdown of peaceful civilians. It also ignored the testimonies of hundreds of witnesses. Instead, the court took on the view of other witnesses it summoned that "foreign elements" and "hidden hands" that the former regime repeatedly blamed, were responsible for injuries and fatalities on the streets of downtown Cairo.
The Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR) released a report following the Court of Cassation's ruling, recommending that new defendants be included in the retrial and that new evidence be brought to the table.
The initial Mubarak trial is a testimony to the fact that a revolution does not end when a tyrant and his accomplices step down. True change takes place when the institutions that propped that leader up for decades make serious advances to adjust to the demands of the people. Violence witnessed by the world during the 18 days and Egypt's subsequent military rule have produced unjustifiably low levels of accountability, largely thanks to a corrupt judiciary with a vested interest in upholding unjust verdicts. Reform of the judiciary is not in the interest of those who have grown accustomed to benefitting from corrupt practices.
However, the decision to retry Mubarak was welcomed not only by organizations like EIPR, but also by Mubarak’s own supporters, in the hopes that he would be released from prison following an innocent verdict.
As the EIPR indicated, "If we want to bring those who oppressed and wronged the people to justice, there must be a genuine revolution in the criminal justice system." Of course, fair trial that seeks to examine all evidence relating to the charges won't bring about immediate change in the judiciary and regain the people's trust in the institution. However it's an extremely critical step for a branch of government that must exhibit true change if the revolution is truly expected to succeed.
The judiciary isn’t the only party that could stand to benefit from a new verdict. Morsi’s government is facing harsh criticism amid a rapidly deteriorating situation in Egypt. Members of the opposition are placing the blame for a train accident that left at least 19 dead, and hundreds injured, just months after a similar accident claimed the lives of over 50 school children. Buildings have collapsed in Alexandria and Daqalihya, as Egypt’s infrastructure buckles under the weight of years of Mubarak-era corruption. With a fast-worsening economic crisis and a general sense of anger towards the president and the Muslim Brotherhood, the ability to bring about true accountability, which has been sorely lacking in the past two years, could go a long way to grant the government a little bit of good will among the people.
With new evidence presented by a fact-finding commission, a verdict holding the former ruler accountable would play into Morsi’s characterization of his presidency – portraying himself as the ‘revolution’s’ candidate. It is, however, a risky gamble, re-opening a wound that was never given the chance to heal, if another less-than satisfactory verdict is returned.
Basil El-Dabh is a reporter for Daily News Egypt. He graduated from Georgetown University with a Bachelor of Arts degree in Political Economy.
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EgyptSource, a project of the Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East, follows Egypt’s transition and provides a platform for Egyptian perspectives on the major issues – economic, political, legal, religious and human rights – that are at stake in the post-Mubarak era.
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Faces of Egypt
Journalist and videographer Abanoub Emad explains the drive behind his work: “I want to cover the truth..If it was just a job for me I wouldn't risk my life, but this is what I want to do…and this is what differentiates the quality of work. You can tell who's doing it for the sake of doing it, and who's doing it because it's what they love to do”
At twenty-two, Amr El Salanekly has won the 2012 Clinton Global Initiative fellowship, co-founded a social incubator and an educational platform for underprivileged kids, turned down a job with Bangladeshi Nobel Laureate Mohammad Yunus’ Grameen Bank, and raised hundreds of thousands of Egyptian pounds for community projects in Egypt.
Check out the rest of the Faces of the New Egypt series here.
About the Contributors
Alaa Al Aswany, the Arab world's bestselling novelist, is the author of The Yacoubian Building, Chicago, and Friendly Fire. His work is published in thirty-one languages worldwide. Read his EgyptSource posts here.
Yussef Auf is an Egyptian judge and 2012 Humphrey Fellow at American University’s Washington College of Law. He is currently pursuing a PhD in Constitutional Law and Political Systems at Cairo University. Read his EgyptSource posts here.
Amr Hamzawy joined the Department of Public Policy and Administration at the American University in Cairo in 2011, where he continues to serve today. He is a former member of parliament and a member of the National Salvation Front. Read his EgyptSource posts here.
Haitham Tabei is a special correspondent for the Washington Post and Asharq Saudi newspaper in Cairo.
Read his EgyptSource posts here.
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