- President Mohamed Morsi's Constitutional Decree - December 9, 2012 (Arabic) (English)
- Final Draft of Constitution, published November 29, 2012 (Arabic) (English) (Audio)
- President Mohamed Morsi's Constitutional Decree - November 22, 2012 (Arabic) (English)
- Draft of the Constitution, published October 24, 2012) (Arabic)
- Draft of the Constitution, published October 16, 2012 (Arabic) (English)
- President Mohamed Morsi's Decree Pardoning January 25 Prisoners - October 8 (English) (Arabic)
- President Mohamed Morsi's Constitutional Declaration - August 12 (English) (Arabic)
- President Mohamed Morsi’s Decree reinstating the dissolved parliament – July 8 (English) (Arabic)
- Renaissance (Nahda) Project (English)
- Morsi Meter (English) (Arabic)
- SCAF Amendments to Interim Constitution - June 17, 2012 (English) (Arabic)
- Interim Constitution (full text, English and Arabic), ratified by popular referendum on March 23, 2011)
- Law on the Presidential Election, No. 174, 2005 (Arabic)
- Electoral laws for the People’s Assembly and Shura Council (full text, Arabic, amended July 19, 2011)
- Law on Non-Governmental Organizations, No. 84/2002 (English)
- Law on the People’s Assembly, amended October 2011 (PDF, Arabic)
- Supra-Constitutional Principles (English) (Arabic)
- The Final Draft Wording of the Articles on Defense and National Security in the New Constitution (English) (Arabic)
- Leaked Articles of the Draft Constitution (English)
Egyptian Government Resources
- Official Facebook page of President Mohamed Morsi (Arabic)
- Official Facebook page of Prime Minister Hesham Qandil (Arabic)
- Official Facebook page of Presidential Spokesman Yasser Ali (Arabic)
- Official Facebook page of the Supreme Council of the Armed forces (Arabic)
- Official website of the Cabinet (English) (Arabic)
- Ministry of Interior (English) (Arabic)
- Ministry of Foreign Affairs (English) (Arabic)
- Ministry of Finance (English) (Arabic)
- Ministry of International Cooperation (Arabic)
- Ministry of Social Solidarity (Arabic)
- Ministry of Information (Arabic)
- Ministry of Industry & Foreign Trade (English) (Arabic)
- Ahram Weekly (English)
- Egypt Independent (English)
- Daily News Egypt (English)
- Ahram Online (English)
- Akhbar al-Youm (Arabic)
- Ahram (Arabic)
- Ahram Gateway (Arabic)
- al-Masry al-Youm (Arabic)
- al-Shorouk (Arabic)
- al-Wafd (Arabic)
- Masrawy (Arabic)
- EGYNews (Arabic)
Think Tanks and NGOs:
- al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies (English)
- Arab Forum for Alternatives (English) (Arabic)
- Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (English) (Arabic)
- Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (English) (Arabic)
- Adl (Justice)
- al-Asala (Authenticity)
- Building and Development
- Democratic Front
- al-Dostour (Constitution)
- Freedom and Justice
- Ghad (Tomorrow)
- Ittihad (Union)
- Karama (Dignity)
- al-Masriyin al-Ahrar (Free Egyptians)
- Masr al-Hurriya (Egypt Freedom)
- Nour (Light)
- Popular Alliance
- Reform and Development
- Social Democratic
- Sufi Liberation
- al-Tayar al-Masry (Egyptian Current)
The ruling families of Qatar and the United Arab Emirates have staked out opposite poles in relation to Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood. The Egyptian press reported on January 8 that visiting Qatari Prime Minister Hamad Bin Jassim al-Thani announced additional economic support for Egypt: a new $2 billion deposit in the Central Bank (although it does not appear to be successfully shoring up the ever-weakening Egyptian pound) plus a $500 million grant. This brings Qatari assistance to Egypt to $1 billion in grants and $4 billion in Central Bank deposits since August, 2012, when the Emir of Qatar paid his first of two visits to meet with President Mohamed Morsi. That al-Thani made the announcement in Cairo also sent a strong message that Qatar intends to continue to offer political support to President Morsi’s increasingly Islamist government.
The timing of the announcement, accidental or not, followed on the heels of another dustup in Egyptian-UAE relations due to the Dubai arrest of eleven Egyptians in the last days of 2012. Although the actual charges are not clear and may not yet have been filed, unnamed UAE officials have alleged that the arrested Egyptians belonged to a cell linked to the Muslim Brotherhood. Egyptian Brotherhood officials have confirmed that some of those arrested are members of their group. Senior Egyptian officials flew to the UAE to petition for their release, but to no avail.
The aid vs. arrests reaction reflects two very different attitudes about how best to preserve the influence and the current governing arrangements of two of the richest countries in the world. For the last several months, the UAE establishment has launched a well-coordinated public and private campaign against the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, depicting it as an evil influence intent on “threatening UAE sovereignty,” or in other words taking over the country. In the latter half of 2012 Emiratis and some Saudis were arrested, accused of having links to the Brotherhood. The campaign has also included pointed public and private criticism of US attempts to come to terms with the Brotherhood-dominated elected government in Cairo.
The Qataris, who in the past have sometimes gone their own way in order to demonstrate that they are capable of doing so, have a much less troubled history with the Muslim Brotherhood. Qatar has hosted spiritual leader Yusuf al-Qaradawi and Hamas leader Khalid Mashaal after he fled Damascus. Whether the Qatari rulers feel a deep spiritual kinship with the Brotherhood is unclear, but they do see the group and perhaps even more conservative Islamists, as having a role to play in the future of the region. This has prompted the Qataris to support the Brotherhood and other Salafi groups not only in Egypt, but also in Tunisia, Libya, and Syria.
The leaders in Qatar and the Emirates have consciously and actively made themselves more than bit players in a major drama—the fight for the future of the Middle East. Both countries have been active in influencing the unfolding stories in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, and Syria. Official aid is just part of a broader effort that includes the use of regional media, close security/intelligence ties and links to non-official groups, as well as lobbying the United States and other powers. This drama is likely to play out over decades. Although major players are involved, including Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Europe and the United States, these two actors in the Gulf are playing an outsized role to shape perceptions about the political contours of the Arab revolutions and influence their outcomes. They realize that the security of small wealthy states in their neighborhood is not assured, requiring them to pursue activist survival strategies.
Richard LeBaron is a senior fellow with the Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East working on the Gulf region as well as leading a joint initiative with the Brent Scowcroft Center on International Security, A Strategic Dialogue for a New US-Gulf Partnership.
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EgyptSource, a project of the Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East, follows Egypt’s transition and provides a platform for Egyptian perspectives on the major issues – economic, political, legal, religious and human rights – that are at stake in the post-Mubarak era.
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Faces of Egypt
Journalist and videographer Abanoub Emad explains the drive behind his work: “I want to cover the truth..If it was just a job for me I wouldn't risk my life, but this is what I want to do…and this is what differentiates the quality of work. You can tell who's doing it for the sake of doing it, and who's doing it because it's what they love to do”
At twenty-two, Amr El Salanekly has won the 2012 Clinton Global Initiative fellowship, co-founded a social incubator and an educational platform for underprivileged kids, turned down a job with Bangladeshi Nobel Laureate Mohammad Yunus’ Grameen Bank, and raised hundreds of thousands of Egyptian pounds for community projects in Egypt.
Check out the rest of the Faces of the New Egypt series here.
About the Contributors
Alaa Al Aswany, the Arab world's bestselling novelist, is the author of The Yacoubian Building, Chicago, and Friendly Fire. His work is published in thirty-one languages worldwide. Read his EgyptSource posts here.
Yussef Auf is an Egyptian judge and 2012 Humphrey Fellow at American University’s Washington College of Law. He is currently pursuing a PhD in Constitutional Law and Political Systems at Cairo University. Read his EgyptSource posts here.
Amr Hamzawy joined the Department of Public Policy and Administration at the American University in Cairo in 2011, where he continues to serve today. He is a former member of parliament and a member of the National Salvation Front. Read his EgyptSource posts here.
Haitham Tabei is a special correspondent for the Washington Post and Asharq Saudi newspaper in Cairo.
Read his EgyptSource posts here.
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